Benefits of organic farming

1. It helps in maintaining environment health by reducing the level of pollution.

2. It reduces human and animal health hazards by reducing the level of residue in the product.

3. It helps in keeping agricultural production at a higher level and makes it sustainable.

4. It reduces the cost of agricultural production and also improves the soil health.

5. It ensures optimum utilization of natural resources for short-term benefit and helps in conserving them for future generation.

6. It not only saves energy for both animal and machine, but also reduces risk of crop failure.

7. It improves the soil physical properties such as granulation, and good tilth, giving good aeration, easy root penetration and improves water-holding capacity.

8. It improves the soil’s chemical properties such as supply and retention of soil nutrients, and promotes favorable chemical reactions.


Besides these, it has been demonstrated extensively that plant products from organic farming are substantially better in quality like, bigger in size, look, flavour, and aroma and animal products to be of better quality when they are fed with feed and fodder produced organically. The underground water of the area where such farming system is in practice has been found to be free of toxic chemicals.

Basic steps of organic farming

Organic farming approach involves following five principles:

1. Conversion of land from conventional management to organic management.

2. Management of the entire surrounding system to ensure biodiversity and sustainability of the system.

3. Crop production with the use of alternative sources of nutrients such as crop rotation, residue management, organic manures and biological inputs.

4. Management of weeds and pests by better management practices, physical and cultural means and by biological control system.

5. Maintenance of live stock in tandem with organic concept and make them an integral part of the entire system.

Organic farming

The concerns for food without any contamination have introduced organic methods of cultivation. Organic farming along with biotechnology, drip irrigation, pest management of crops will enable producers to reduce their cash outflow by 40%.Apart from this producers will be benefited by increased quantities of outputs or by better quality of produce or by both.

Organic farming will improve the soil conditions which will in turn improve the productivity and is now the ultimate solution for "green Revolution".
Concept of organic farming.

Organic farming system in India is not new. This farming system aims at cultivating the land and raising the crops keep the soil healthy by use of organic wastes (crop, animal and farm wastes, aquatic wastes) and other biological materials along with beneficial microbes (biofertilizers) to release nutrients to crops for increased sustainable production in an eco friendly pollution free environment.

Politics of packages

Farmers across the land will doubtless be ecstatic on learning there is now one more committee - to look into debt relief. Gee, another committee. Just what we needed. Who knows, it might even do something, like form a sub-committee. But the joy might be hard to sustain. It's all part of a 'package.' That too is not a new thing. Governments in this country have handled more packages than FedEx. My all-time favourite is the Kalahandi-Bolangir-Koraput or KBK package, which has outlasted four Prime Ministers and seen more variations than Rubik's Cube.

Every imaginable programme for which funds already exist has been merged or purged from the KBK development package at some point. A Rs.4,750 crore package swelled to Rs.6,500 crore over a decade. Of which only Rs.360 crore actually showed up till 2004. Even from that paltry sum, money was diverted for the total literacy programme.

The 'package' declared at the end of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's trip to Vidarbha will have little or no impact on the crisis there. Neither in the short run nor in the long term. The visit's political fallout is another matter. No one can now deny a major agrarian crisis exists. Dr. Singh's journey thoroughly exposed the Maharashtra Government and the Union Agriculture Ministry. It also brought - if for a week - some media focus on the crisis. Well on the farm suicides, at least.

Yet the suicides are the effect, not the cause, of a much wider agrarian distress. The death count is not the story but a window to it. There are millions of farm households across the country that have not seen suicides but whose conditions are similar to those that have. They too are in deep trouble.

Water Wars In Maharashtra...

farmers without irrigation have been committing suicide," says Vijay Jawandia. "Now irrigated farmers, too, will join them in taking their lives." Jawandia, a kisan leader of Maharashtra's Vidharbha region, says the recently passed Maharashtra Water Resources Regulatory Bill is "simply not workable." The Bill signals huge hikes in water charges and irrigation costs. The Regulatory Authority it sets up will have three full-time members. Not one of them is required to be a farmer.

Elected panchayats are sidelined on water issues. Farmers with more than two children will pay one and a half times the high new rates. And in some regions, costly drip and sprinkler irrigation will become mandatory. Breaking these laws invites six months in prison and a fine of ten times the annual water charges.
Farmers greeted news of the bill with shock and anger across Vidharbha. This is one of the least irrigated and most backward regions of Maharashtra. One that has seen hundreds of farmers' suicides in the past few years. In Parbhani, Marathwada, the State camp of the All-India Kisan Sabha called for the Bill's repeal. It also declared May 5 as a day of statewide protest to press this demand.

No farmer we spoke to in four districts across Vidharbha knew of the Bill. Much less that it had been passed by the legislature. Even Agriculture Department officials seemed baffled by it. "We cannot pay the present charges," says Vijay Kophe of Borgaon village in Amravati district. "How will we pay these new ones? Our water, their taxes?" Kophe owns a little over two acres and has three children.

Like most villages in Vidharbha, this one too, is in the grip of an agricultural crisis and deep in debt. "The village failed to pay electricity bills of about Rs. 1 lakh," says the sarpanch. "So the power was cut off, the pumps are down and we cannot get even drinking water."

"Why not fine the government," asks teacher R.M. Bhagywanth. "They have not paid cotton growers here dues of Rs.2,300 crores. How will people pay any bills without that? This law will push up suicides one hundred times."

B.T. Deshmukh, an independent member of the legislative council from Amravati, defends the law. He was on the Joint Committee of both houses to which the prickly Bill was referred. After making several changes - and bringing in the two-child norm - the committee approved it. "It has built-in safeguards and protection for poorer regions," he insists.

"New irrigation projects must first come in such places. The Governor's directives on these aspects must be observed." And, he points out, "we put in the `principle of equity' into the law."

Seeds of Death for Farmers..

It's a well-known brand of seed ... And the reverse of its packet states "Germination rate 65 per cent." What does it mean, we ask the residents of Rentapalla in Guntur district. "It means one-third of the seeds will not work," scoffs one farmer. "When we pay, we pay for 100 per cent," he laughs. "Not for 65 per cent."

In short, if this village pays for 1,000 bags of seed, they are only getting 650.

"Would you," asks another farmer, "go to a pharmacy and buy a medicine of which one-third should not be expected to work?" Then why buy these seeds? "What choice do we have?" Most companies and dealers follow the same practice.

"This is a post-1998 system," says Malla Reddy, general secretary of the Andhra Pradesh Ryuthu Sangham (APRS). "When the multinationals entered the field, controls and regulation were dropped. Before that, seeds were certified by State authorities. Germination was up to 90 per cent. It was the MNCs who started this practice."

In Rentapalla, farmers give us the bills and receipts issued to them by seed and pesticide dealers. Even apart from the very high prices, these are unique in two respects. One, they explicitly add on an interest rate of 2 per cent a month (24 per cent) on the goods sold. Two, they extract a signed undertaking from the farmer absolving the dealer of any responsibility for failed or spurious seeds.

Both clauses are clearly printed on the bills and receipts. They are part of the `legal' transaction. Take for instance the bill issued by Vijayadurga Agencies at Sathenapally in Guntur district. It carries (in Telugu) a clear disclaimer. This includes the caution that these seeds should be sown "after ascertaining that they sprout well." The onus of testing them is on the farmer.

The note also asserts: "Seeds billed herein belong to the respective companies. They are sold only on being certified as fit after carrying out all technical scrutiny." Why then should the farmer be responsible for testing them? But the note goes further. Too many things depend on nature, it says. "Therefore no guarantee can be given."

The farmer then signs below the last line which says, "I purchase the seeds agreeing to the above points."

Stockists like Vijayalakshmi Pesticides add their own clauses for the farmer to sign on. "I am aware that these pesticides are poisonous and I purchased the items billed herein for the purpose of agricultural operations."

Dealers are well aware of what other purposes the "purugu mandhu" (literally insect medicines) have been used for. The overwhelming majority of farmers who have committed suicide in Andhra Pradesh have done so by consuming pesticide. Hence the clause freeing the dealer of any responsibility. A further line tagged on says: "Agreed to pay interest at two per cent a month on this bill amount."

Meet the new moneylenders of the countryside. The seed, pesticide and fertilizer dealers. "This man is a new sahucar," says Malla Reddy of the APRS. "He is at once a merchant, a moneylender, a scientist, an agro-technologist and an expert. He can also be the man who buys the crop of the farmers he sells products to. At low prices, of course."

The power this group wields is a vital factor in the ongoing crisis and continuing suicides of farmers. With soaring input costs and the collapse of formal credit, their writ binds the dependant farmers. This group gains in many ways, of which three stand out.

First, the seeds and pesticides dealer inflates prices on the plea that he is extending credit to the farmer. "You end up paying Rs. 230 for Rs. 200 worth of pesticide," says P. Bhiksham at G. Edavalli village of Nalgonda district. "But you sign on a bill which still says Rs. 200."

Second, the two per cent interest a month is tagged on to the bill amount. "There have been repeated crop failures," says farmer Kobbanna Venkatrao at Sathenapally, Guntur. "So repayments get delayed. That's when you learn what 24 per cent interest means. Their seeds have often been responsible for our crop failure. But there is no punishment for that. We suffer the crop failure, but pay them penalty rates of interest."

Third, they might have to sell their crops to the same man who sells them seeds and pesticides — at a rate fixed by him. That rate can be "well below the minimum support price," says K. Veeranjaneyulu, a farmer in Rentapalla. "More so, if the farmer is small and cannot bargain. Last season, the market rate for chilli was Rs. 2,000 to Rs. 2,200 a quintal. Some small farmers sold to their dealers at Rs. 1,500 a quintal."

"The way it all works," says Vinod Rao, also a farmer in Rentapalla, "is this. For every Rs. 5,000 we spend, the seed fellow gets Rs. 1,000 of it. Often more." This equation imposes a deadweight on the farmer's input costs.

The unfairness of it rankles. "All gains are the dealer's, all losses are ours," says one peasant here. The APRS has tried hard to tackle the situation.

"There have been lots of crop failures due to fake seeds," says APRS district secretary Narasimha Rao. "Our experience is that it is very difficult to bring the big MNCs to book for bad or failed seeds. They never respond. So we try to compel the dealer here to compensate the peasant where a blatant wrong has been done. But the farmer is very vulnerable to his pressure. So it is not easy."

The clamour is growing for amending the Seed and Pesticides Acts at the Centre to bring some regulation to this field. The new Andhra Pradesh Government is also readying its own Seed Act at the State level. The changes won't come a day too soon for P. Bhiksham. "The old Sahucar was bad," he says. "But at least he was lenient at crop time. He was part of the village and needed the crop to succeed. With these people, they are more ruthless. You can die but they have to get their money. I tell you, the old sahucar was better." (Some Information Courtesy: The Hindu News Paper)

Farmers In INDIA..How To Survive?

Farmers' leader in Wardha Vijay Jawandhia once remarked: "If I were given a choice, I would like to be born as a European cow, but certainly not as an Indian farmer, in my next birth." There, a cow gets a US $ 2 subsidy per day and enjoys all the comforts. "And here, in India, a farmer is a debtor all his life. Post his death, his son inherits his debts and has to borrow money for his funeral."

Jawandhia was summing up the mood sweeping through the farming community particularly in the crisis-ridden Vidarbha. But his sarcastic remark underlines the great contrast that marks the global trade, touted by many a leading economist as an answer to all the problems. For many of those who have been singing to the tune of WTO, the Indian farm crisis is the ugly fallout of "lack of reforms". Their argument is that there are too many government strings attached to the policies; we need to detach them for growth and prosperity of the poor agrarian masses.

A close look at the processes that plague Indian agriculture contrast those claim.

Much before the distress set in, Vidarbha farmers rejoiced in near self-sufficiency on all fronts – food, clothes, seeds, fertilizers, festivals, marriages, construction and you name it. Pre-1991, nobody ever heard of farmers taking their own lives, almost never. Veteran farmers and farm leaders in the region confirm this almost unequivocally. Farmers were poor, but they ate enough and were not in debt trap.

Today, and as reported in earlier articles, this eastern region of Maharashtra sits on an "agrarian volcano". With cotton farmers ending themselves at an alarming rate, the agrarian crisis of the region now goes far beyond the suicides. The green fields are transforming into killing fields. The past four years have seen hundreds of farmers take their own lives in a region rich in cotton, paddy, soybean and oranges. The year gone by – that is 2005-06 agriculture season – has seen close to 550 farmers' suicides in Vidarbha. In the last five months alone, over 300 farmers ended themselves -- all due to ruthless policies of the past decade that pushed them to brim. The malady is only getting worse.

Until 2003, suicides were reported from the cotton belt only. Now farmers from a much better-off plateau – one producing paddy – are following the trend. Those holding on to the life have little hope of lifting themselves out of the crisis, unless the state hikes its investments in agriculture sector and takes corrective steps on policy–front. So far, there are no signs that the situation might improve. The crisis needs immediate attention.

WTO Rulings...

For instance, two years ago, many developing countries cheered a WTO ruling declaring US agricultural subsidies illegal. Indigent farmers in India will never know the difference though. The WTO ruled that billions of dollars in US subsidies to cotton farmers were illegal. In the post WTO era, ever since agriculture was opened up to "free" global trade, world prices of cotton have witnessed a sharp and steady decline. Despite the avowal by developed nations, the post WTO era has not seen reductions in subsidies for farmers of rich developed countries like the U.S. or in the European Union. At the same time, the little protection that the farmers of developing nations have had are gone. Import duty on cotton in India, for instance, stands at a meager 10%. Even that import duty could be waived if the importer promises to export the yarn in return. Tens of textile mills are taking the advantage of this leeway. Also regulations on inputs and seeds have been long withdrawn.

Notes Devinder Sharma, a policy analyst: "A complicated and veiled system of tariffs allows western countries to protect their tiny farming populations while millions of farmers in developing countries are swamped under a tide of cheap imports." While cotton prices have declined by more than 60 percent since 1995, U.S. subsidies to its barely 25,000 cotton farmers reached 3.9 billion dollars in 2001-02, double the level of subsidies in 1992. Interestingly, the value of subsidies provided by American taxpayers to the cotton barons of Texas and elsewhere in 2001 exceeded the market value of cotton output by 30 per cent.

To put this figure into perspective, as an Oxfam report puts it, that subsidy was nearly twice the total U.S. foreign aid given to sub-Saharan Africa. It is also more than the combined GDP of Benin, Burkina Faso and Chad, the main cotton producing countries of the sub-Saharan Africa. India too is among the countries worst hit by the rising U.S. subsidies for its own farmers and lifting up of whatever little protection Indian farmers enjoyed. There is no study on the losses India suffered in terms of export earnings due to the depressed world cotton prices.

But in one sample, Oxfam estimates that sub-Saharan African countries lost $305 million due to US subsidies in crop year 2001. There is also dramatic fallout in that the subsidies deepen the poverty in the developing world. An International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) report in 2005 focused on Benin indicates that a 40% reduction in farm-level cotton prices leads to a 21% reduction in income for cotton farmers and results in an increase in rural poverty of 6-7 per cent.

From a share of 18.16% in 1998-99, America's share in world exports jumped to 38.96% in 2002-03. Indian cotton imports rose sharply in the same period, crushing the local cultivators. In 2004-05, global prices were around 50 cents per pound, the seventh year in succession that they were below the long-term average of 72 cents per pound. Even the most efficient producers are now operating at a loss, unable to cover the costs of production. Marketing projections by the International Cotton Advisory Committee (ICAC) suggest that prices will remain "chronically depressed in the foreseeable future". Forecasts point to a modest recovery, but prices look likely to remain at 50-60 cents per pound until 2015 if present conditions continue. Estimates by the International Cotton Advisory Committee (ICAC), using its World Textile Demand Model, indicate that the withdrawal of American cotton subsidies would raise cotton prices by 11 cents per pound, or by 26 per cent.

But farmers in developing countries cannot get a realistic price for their cotton because the subsidies in U.S. help their farmers grow surplus cotton, and that surplus crushes the cultivators in a country like India.

India's soybin (SOYA) trade hub.

India's soy trade hub.
Farmers will be enthused to switch over from other crops as soyabean prices have been historically high in the past one year,"
Madhya Pradesh grows 65 to 70 per cent of the country's soyabean output. Other key growing provinces include Maharashtra and Rajasthan.

soyabean prices over the past 12 months to June were 13,500 rupees per tonne, about 35 per cent higher than the 10,000 rupees a tonne in the previous year.
Domestic prices had soared on the back of a near eight per cent drop in soyabean production to 4.97 million tonnes during the previous winter season from a year earlier, the association said. The drop was due to poor monsoon rains.
Winter crops are sown in June and July and harvested in November and December. Rice, groundnut and soyabean are the season's main crops.
"We expect a 15 to 20 per cent rise in area under soyabean in Maharashtra as some farmers may shift from cotton and sugarcane cultivation in anticipation of better returns," Maharashtra cultivated soyabean over 1.22 million hectares last winter. But area expansion would depend on sufficient rains during the monsoon season,adding that a delay of more than a week in the arrival of rains in June would not have a significant impact on production. "Soyabean sowing will begin after about a week and continue till July 15. A delay of one week will hardly make any difference," The crucial June-September southwest monsoon hit the southern state of Kerala on Sunday, more than a week behind schedule.
Weather officials said monsoon rains were progressing gradually to other regions."Normal period of monsoon for Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat is around June 15. In the present scenario, it could arrive in these places around June 20,"

Farming In Nagpur

Nagpur: If the figures of area under various kharif crops are tobe believed more and more farmers are opting for soyabean instead of cotton. A huge area is shifting from cotton to soyabean. In last three years in Nagpur district the area has increased from about 2.63 lakh ha to 3.23 lakh ha. Other districts too have seen a similar shift. Biggest shift has taken place in Gadchiroli where farmers have switched from about 800 hectares to 80000 hectares (800%). The figures of increase in area under soyabean this kharif season are - Wardha district 22%, Nagpur district (40%), Chandrapur district (15%). Bhandara and Gondia districts have no cotton at all while total area sown under cotton is 1,519,00 ha ( 59%). Of this 58000 ha( 45%) is in Wardha district, 44000 ha (59%) in Nagpur district, 49100 ha (81%) in Chandrapur district and 800 ha (800%) in Gaadchiroli district.

Rain brings hope for Vidarbha farmers

The recent spell of rains in past 8-10 days has brought new hope among farmers. Those who had not sown their crops till few days back have now sown their fields and those who were waiting for the showers to see the seeds grow into plants can expect an average if not a bumper crop. Till now in Nagpur division 37 tehsils have received heavy rains while 19 tehsils have received medium and 8 tehsils little rains.

"Although it is difficult to predict the crop production in this kharif season, recent rains have definitely rejuvenated the farmers' hopes. As of now in Nagpur district only about 3-4 ,000 hectares has gone in re-sowing , the overall situation of all major kharif crops can be expected to be satisfactory," said N G Wakde, sub divisional officer, state agriculture department, Nagpur district while talking to the TOI.

As per information available with the office of the joint agriculture director, Nagpur Division, about 63% of sowing has already been completed in six districts -Nagpur , Wardha, Bhandara, Gondia, Chandrapur, Gadchiroli . Of the expected 17,16,900 hectares (ha) land under kharif 11, 43,900 ha has been sown so far in Nagpur division.

Till July 25, 2008 sowing of all major kharif crops like soyabean, cotton, tur, rice, maize, other cereals and pulses. In fact crops like soyabean and tur continue to cover more and more area. Of these crops soyabean has covered the maximum area-6 ,61,500 H (128%) followed by tur 1,53,700 ha (107%), Maize 21,0000 (70%), other cereals 140000 ha (61%), groundnut 620000 ha (58%), cotton 1.51,900 ha (51%), linseed 210000 ha (47%), Jowar 152000 ha (16%), Urad, 200000 ha (44%) mung 240000 ha (41%), other grains 40000 ha ( 67%) and other pulses 410000 ha (45%).

Besides these crops rice nurseries have already been planted in 63,800 hectares while another 77,700 hectares area have gone into broadcatsed rice.

BTS in INDIA

followed up some more on BT seeds usage in different countries. One country where these seeds and their modifications have been carefully and systematically used seems to be Australia. It seems that these seeds have to e carefully used and monitored with a system of refuges. And the seeds have been modified every few years. Long term uses and effects on health of people and soil are still being studied. With these provisos, it seems to be a success in Australia. Of course, there are other problems like the price of seeds in different countries, cost of production, gloalization effects due to subsidies etc. So, my current impression is that it is a tricky technology which on the whole yields higher profits, but has to be continuosly monitored by reliable agencies (Monsanto was fined in Indonesia for bribing).

i had struggled, the way you are now, trying to find the implications of bt technology/gm seeds etc., i found that it’s too early to conclude about their efficacy etc,., but you seem to be ignoring one vital issue here that i had pointed out on the other india tooo.. that bt cotton seems like the only alternative available to indian farmers right now..
let me put it differently - if there was no bt cotton the rate of suicides wouldn’t decrease at all, but might actually increase because there’d have been increased crop failures because the conventional seeds and pest control methods are failing increasingly. farmers see it as an effective answer to the major pest attacking cotton -bollworm. and the yields are also higher than conventional varieties..let me also point out here that suicides of cotton farmers started in andhra pradesh a few years before bt seeds were actually introduced on a commercial basis in india.

secondly, india’s trade in agricultural trade is low, when compared with the total volume of world trade.. we can’t really talk about global trends affecting indian farmers in a significant way as yet..
in my view, globalisation is an easy scapegoat for all those disparate groups ranged against reforms in india - the communists, the rss, the socialists, the environmentalists, the staus-quoists in the congress etc., etc., to blame all ills on..

VIDARBA's Condition

It is the matter of great surprise and rude shock that, the Govt. of India has caused great inequality, discrimination, and injustice upon the Cotton Cultivating farmers of India, specially the Vidarbha Region of Maharashtra State as their demand to enhance & re-fix MSP of cotton has not been considered, whereas the Wheat Cultivating Farmers from North & East India have been given substantial increase of 33% in MSP of Wheat.

The Govt. of India while doing justice to the Wheat Cultivating Farmers to give better remunerative prices for their Wheat agro produce, have caused great inequality, discrimination and injustice upon the Cotton Cultivating Farmers by increasing the MSP merely by 2% as compared to last year. Though, Wheat and Cotton both cultivating farmers needs remunerative & affordable support prices to their respective produce, it seems the Govt. has applied different and distinct / separate yardsticks – rules – scales while fixing the MSP of Cotton and Wheat. It is the classic example of inequality before law and thus, the Govt. has violated the Principles of Equality laid down in the Article - 14 of the Constitution of India and thus, caused discrimination & injustice upon the lacs of cotton cultivating farmers especially in the Vidarbha Region, who are all in extreme distress & are witnessing the unpresented economic crisis compelling them to commit suicides due to non remunerative, non affordable and unrealistic prices to the Cotton Produce. By extending the benefit of increased remunerative support prices for Wheat, Gram, Mustard, etc. farmers Govt. of India has denied the same level playing field and thus also caused violation of Principle laid down in Article – 19(1)(g) of the Constitution of India.

2) You are aware that, ours is the movement fighting for the cause of farmers and we have been pursuing the issue of remunerative affordable prices to the agriculture produce including cotton which is the only cash crop of the poor farmers in the Vidarbha Region of Maharashtra State. Since 1996-97, our organization is consistently demanding the increase in the Minimum Support Price (MSP) for the agro produced cotton, which are being fixed on the recommendations of your High-Power Commission which is working for the agriculture cost & prices in India for protection of the farmers and agriculture community at large. We enclosed herewith the chart of MSP fixed for cotton during last 10 years, which shows that the price increase is merely 3% per annum in an average, if we consider the MSP for cotton fixed @ Rs.1530/- in 1997-98 and @ Rs. 1990/- for the season 2006-07.

3) Sir, we have been apprising you that Vidarbha being rainfed area which is solely dependant on the natural / monsoon rains always experienced low yield of cotton as compared to other States in India. Now, due to abnormal increase in the high cost of production and consistent low yield due to many reasons, cotton cultivating farmers in the Vidarbha Region are suffering extremely and their economical condition is deteriorating year by year.

4) You are also aware that, due to introduction of high cost BT Cotton Seeds, the cost of production has almost doubled, but due to the rainfed area, per hectare cotton production / yield in Vidarbha is as low as 160KG (1.6 Quintal) per hector(This is as per report submitted to PMO by relief commissioner as on 10th October-2006 on vidarbha agrarian crisis) which is extremely low. As a result of this average yield of 2.3 to 2.5 Quintal per hectare, on the present cotton MSP F414 quality @ Rs.1770/- per Quintal and H4 Quality @ Rs.1990/- per Quintal, it is very difficult for the cotton cultivating farmers to survive.

5) We have also apprised you that, this has ultimately resulted in extremely poor economic condition being deteriorated further and now this situation is such a volatile and unfortunate that, hundreds of cotton cultivating farmers have committed suicides. It’s a matter of National Shame. If we believe the Govt. figures of such unfortunate incidence of suicides, more than 7500 farmers have committed suicides since 2001-02. This unfortunate number of suicides are increasing day by day even after the continued efforts of the State Govt. as well as the Central Govt. The Packages announced have virtually failed to give any immediate relief to the dying cotton cultivating farmers of Vidarbha Region. It is regretted that, the CACP and Govt. is not paying attention towards the increase in the prices of the cotton, which must be remunerative and give support to the farmers in Vidarbha Region. Our organization believes that, the only solution is to increase MSP of cotton so that the cotton farming can become profitable to the farmers of Vidarbha.

6) You are aware that, even after our consistent demand to increase the MSP for cotton, CACP has not considered the same and recommended MSP @ Rs.2030/- per Quintal means bare increase of Rs.40/- per Quintal as compared to last year price of Rs.1990/- per Quintal MSP of H4 Quality Cotton. It is injustice with the depressed farmers of Vidarbha Region.

7) However, while fixing the supportive prices of Wheat, Barley, Gram, Masoor, Rapseed and Sunflower, Govt. of India is kind enough & generous to increase the prices substantially to make it remunerative & affordable to the Farmers of North & East India. In a most welcome decision, Govt. of India now increased the MSP for Wheat to @ Rs.1000/- per quintal as compared to @ Rs.700/- per quintal recommended by CACP means 33% increase when compared to last year. Similarly, the prices of Barley (@ Rs.650/-), Gram (@ Rs.1600/-), Masoor (@ Rs.1700/-), Sunflower (@ Rs.1650/-) have also been increased substantially to benefit the farmers in their interest. We give below the Comparative Chart of the increased in the prices which shows at a glance picture how substantial increased have been given to the farmers of North & East India.

HISTORY OF MAHARASHTRA

Early History

The early history of Maharashtra dates back to the era of Ramayana which was known as “Dandak Aranya”. The language Maharastri, a prakrit corruption of Sanskrit was used during this period. But the recorded history starts from 2nd century BC when it became a part of the Magadha Empire. Due to the decline of the Mauryan Empire the state came under the rule of Satavahanas between 230 BC and 225 AD.Then the emperors of Vakatakas, Chalukyas and Yadavas ruled over the region till 12th century AD. The region came under the Mughal influence in the 13th century when Ala-ud-din Khilji, and later Muhammad bin Tughluq preferred the Deccan plateau. The Islamic reign continued till late 16th century.

Maratha period (1627-1680)

In the late 16th century regional Muslim powers like Nizamshahi, Adilshahi, and Qutubshahi established their prominence in the Deccan region. These empires were parts of Mughal Empire but were autonomous to an extent. Maloji Bhosle, grand father of Shivaji was a Sardar in the Nizamsahi Empire. Bahadur Nizam II offered him the prestige as “Raja” for his courage in the battle with Mughals. He was offered the estates of Pune and the fort of Chakan. This was the initial point of Maratha’s history.

In 1629, Shivaji’s father Shahaji disengaged himself from the service of the Nizamshahi. In 1635 Nizam’s Army attacked the region and Shahaji surrendered before them. In 1643, Shivaji, at the age of 16, took the vow to give freedom to his people. This was the start of his lifelong struggle against Mughals and other Muslim powers. By 1647, Shivaji had captured two forts and had the complete charge of Pune. In 1674, Shivaji was crowned as Chhatrapati, the traditional title of a Hindu Monarch at his capital Raigad. He died in 1680, at the age of 53 but left the Maratha state which continued to play an important role in the Indian history for next 100 years.

Peshwa Dynasty (1712-1818)

Bajirao Peshwa was the first ruler of the Peshwa dynasty. His desire was to extend the Maratha Empire to North India. During this period Raigad had regained its status as capital of Maratha Kingdom. The Peshwa dynasty ended to some extent in 1803 when British established their supremacy in the region.

Pre-Independence (British Raj)

Bajirao was against the British, and in November of 1817, he declared war against them. This battle is called “Kirkee Battle” as it was fought at Kirkee, a place in the east of Pune.The Peshwa fled and the power of the country passed from the Peshwas to the British by 1819. The rest of the nineteenth century witnessed a few minor uprisings in and around Pune, but the British dominated the region. In the early 20th century the whole nation was against the British Raj and Pune witnessed violence when the Chaphekar brothers killed a British police officer by the name of Mr. Rand. Mahatma Gandhi had started his Non-Violence movement against the British Force and people of the state participated in this movement to dismiss the British power from the Indian soil. Finally India got her freedom in 1947.

Post-Independence (Modern Maharashtra)

After independence the western Maharashtra and Gujarat were joined to a single state called Bombay. But in 1960 it was separated on the basis of their languages. The present Maharashtra state came into existence on 1st May, 1960 and Bombay was declared its capital.

Cashew cultivation in Maharashtra picking

ENCOURAGED by the incentives offered by the Maharashtra Government more and more people are taking up cashew cultivation in the State. As a result the total area under cashew is expected to go up to around 1.32 lakh hectares by 2001.

At least 11,000 ha. were expected to be added this fiscal to the already existing 1.21 lakh ha. under cashew in 1999-2000 and the State was likely to maintain the production at the last year's level of 1.22 lakh tonnes during the next season, Mr. P.P. Ba lasubramanian, Director, Cashew and Cocoa Development, told Business Line here.

With this rise in area Maharashtra would overtake Kerala both in area and production. Kerala had 1.22 lakh ha. under this commercial crop.

He said farmers were enthused to take up cashew cultivation following the State Government's proposed plans to provide incentives such as soft loans and subsidy on planting materials and labour charges to the farmers and subsidised power to processing un its. Besides, the cashew sector had become the major beneficiary of the State's employment guarantee scheme introduced in 1991.

Mr. Balasubramanian said the total production of raw cashew nuts in the country crossed five lakh tonnes and it was expected to improve during the next season also.

However, the industry sources said the domestic production last year remained below four l.t. with the result around two l.t. of raw nuts had to be imported during 1999-2000 to meet the industry requirement of six l.t.

According to official statistics, the production during last season was 5.2 l.t. from a total area of 6.84 lakh ha. under cashew in the country.

CULTIVATION IN MAHARASHTRA

The state of Maharashtra is highly industrialized; still agriculture continues to be the main occupation of the rural people. The major crops grown in the state include rice, Jowar, Bajra, wheat, pulses, cotton, sugarcane, several oil seeds includingsunflower, groundnut and soybean, turmeric, onions and other vegetables. Maharashtra is also famous for its fruit production. The major fruits produced in the state are: mangoes, bananas, grapes and oranges. Nagpur and Nashik are the major producers of fruits.

Agricultural Crops

Kharif Crops:- Jowar (Sorghum), Bajra (Millet), Rice, Cotton, Groundnuts

Rabi Crops: - Wheat, Gram, Jowar

Cereals: - Jowar, Rice, Wheat, Bajra, Maize, Bali, Nachni

Oil seeds: - Groundnut, Sesame, Jawas, Karadi, Mustard.

Pulses: – Dal, Tur (Red gram)

Cash Crops: - Sugarcane, Cotton, Chillies, Tobacco, Banana.

Area under agriculture

Net Crop Area 17,619,000 hectares
Total Crop Area 22,381,000 hectares
Total Irrigated Area 3,667,000 hectares
Ratioof total irrigated area with crop area 16.4 per cent
Area under Cereals 9,411,000 hectares
Area under Pulses 33, 88,000 hectares
Total Area under Food-grains 12,798,000 hectares
Area under Horticulture 10.14 lakh hectares

OPIUM CULTIVATION !!

FOR THE past two decades, Kishanganj district of Bihar has been badly affected by the problem of smuggling, human trafficking and other unlawful activities. Kishanganj’s proximity to Nepal and Bangladesh is the main reason behind these activities. People of India, as well as of Nepal and Bangladesh are involved in such acts. Besides, militants from the neighbouring countries are also taking advantage of the security lapse in the border areas to infiltrate into India. From time to time, the Border Security Force (BSF) and the district police nab the smugglers and the people involved in illegal activities, but the fact is that the local administration is unable to put a permanent hold on these activities.

Last month, during my trip to Kishanganj, I was shocked to hear about the news of opium harvesting in some areas of the district.

Kishanganj police had discovered a five bigha plot of illegal opium cultivation in Simalbari village under the Kishanganj police station. Just few days later, a 50 bigha plot of opium, farmed between two streams of the Mahananda river, was also discovered by the police team headed by DSP Ravish Kumar on the borders of Kishanganj and Purnia districts. According to the police, the opium fields were obscured on the sides by the maize fields. Five landowners believed to be illegal immigrant settlers from Bangladesh owned the fields.

Reports of Simalbari opium catch spread like wildlife and stunned the local residents. In fact, residents feigned ignorance about the opium and said that the same cultivation had been done earlier in the locality in around 15 bighas of land.

The cultivation of opium is punishable under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act (NDPS). Maoists, Naxalites and illegal immigrants from Nepal and Bangladesh are now targeting the remote areas of Bihar for opium cultivation. Districts of Kishanganj, Purnia, Katihar and Araria have become favourites with opium cultivators due to lack of security and unawareness among the local people. Most of the people in these areas think that opium is a flower, like sunflower or marigold, and is used to extract oil. In fact, the labourers working on the opium fields are also ignorant about the NDPS act. The opium growers offer good wages to the labourers, land owners and people looking after the cultivation. The lure of money makes it immaterial for the local people to ask the growers about the illegal cultivation.

After the raids in Simalbari and the border of Kishanganj and Purnia districts, the police team harvested the opium fields, but the growers are still at large. Police is suspects that there are more opium fields across the districts and the search is still on. As the cultivation of opium is done illegally in the remote areas of the district, there are fair chances that police team might unearth some more fields in the near future.

Effect of wheat crop fertilization on nitrogen dynamics

Water contamination by nitrates has increased international awareness. It is widely accepted that massive fertilizer application is the principal factor responsible for water nitrate contamination. During the last years, Argentina has extraordinarily increased the use of fertilizers, particularly on wheat (Triticum aestivum L.). However, few studies have quantified nitrate losses. Here we report N dynamics in soil fractions and N balance in wheat crops in Marcos Juarez, province of Córdoba (Argentina) with the aim of determining nitrate loss and its possible influence on water contamination. Four treatments were studied to evaluate the combined effect of tillage systems and N fertilizer doses on N losses in soil 0–20 cm in depth. The treatments analyzed were: (a) conventional tillage, non-fertilized (CT 0N), (b) no-till and 25 kg N ha⁻¹ (NT 25N), (c) no-till and 50 kg N ha⁻¹ (NT 50N), and (d) no-till and 140 kg N ha⁻¹ (NT 140N). Determinations were: soil total N, NO₃⁻-N, NH₄⁺-N, microbial biomass N, crop residue biomass, crop residue N, and grain N. N balance was calculated as the difference in N fractions between harvest and sowing samples. N balance was negative in all treatments evaluated; the highest N loss (−1075 kg N ha⁻¹) occurred with the highest fertilization rate (140 kg N ha⁻¹). Losses of microbial and soluble N fractions were significant at the end of the crop cycle in all the treatments analyzed (15 and 40%, respectively), probably due to leaching by high precipitations (250 mm). Much of the N lost was soil organic matter N, a fact seldom considered in other N balances. Furthermore, it was observed that neither yield efficiency nor the remaining N increased significantly with the highest fertilization dose (140N). Our data show that high doses of nitrogen fertilizer result in low N utilization efficiency and a high risk of water contamination by nitrates.

Crop production is a dynamic system.

Because it is biological in nature and not ontained in a controlled environment, there is always the potential for nutrient leakage from the system. Thus, fertilization is not fool proof. There are far too many variables for 100% control. Nevertheless, a well managed fertilization program is the best alternative to meeting the world’s food needs and protecting our precious soil and water resources.

Cultivation Theory

Cultivation theory (sometimes referred to as the cultivation hypothesis or cultivation analysis) was an approach developed by Professor George Gerbner, dean of the Annenberg School of Communications at the University of Pennsylvania. He began the 'Cultural Indicators' research project in the mid-1960s, to study whether and how watching television may influence viewers' ideas of what the everyday world is like. Cultivation research is in the 'effects' tradition. Cultivation theorists argue that television has long-term effects which are small, gradual, indirect but cumulative and significant.

They emphasize the effects of television viewing on the attitudes rather than the behaviour of viewers. Heavy watching of television is seen as ‘cultivating’ attitudes which are more consistent with the world of television programmes than with the everyday world. Watching television may tend to induce a general mindset about violence in the world, quite apart from any effects it might have in inducing violent behaviour. Cultivation theorists distinguish between ‘first order’ effects (general beliefs about the everyday world, such as about the prevalence of violence) and ‘second order’ effects (specific attitudes, such as to law and order or to personal safety).

Gerbner argues that the mass media cultivate attitudes and values which are already present in a culture: the media maintain and propagate these values amongst members of a culture, thus binding it together. He has argued that television tends to cultivate middle-of-the- road political perspectives. And Gross considered that 'television is a cultural arm of the established industrial order and as such serves primarily to maintain, stabilize and reinforce rather than to alter, threaten or weaken conventional beliefs and behaviours' (1977, in Boyd- Barrett & Braham 1987, p. 100). Such a function is conservative, but heavy viewers tend to regard themselves as 'moderate'.

Conservation tillage

Conservation tillage systems are methods of soil tillage which leave a minimum of 30% of crop residue on the soil surface or at least 1,000 lb/ac (1,100 kg/ha) of small grain residue on the surface during the critical soil erosion period. This slows water movement, which reduces the amount of soil erosion; it also warms the soil, enabling the next year’s crop to be planted earlier in the spring. Conservation tillage systems also benefit farmers by reducing fuel consumption and soil compaction. By reducing the number of times the farmer travels over the field, farmers realize significant savings in fuel and labor. Conservation tillage was used on about 38%, 109,000,000 acres (440,000 km²), of all US cropland, 293,000,000 acres (1,190,000 km²) planted as of 2004 according to the USDA.

* No-till
* Strip-Till
* Mulch-Till
* Ridge-Till

[edit] General comments

* The type of implement makes the most difference but other factors can have an effect. The table in this publication gives some idea of the amount of residue that might be left with different tillage operations.
* The greater the speeds with which you move some tillage implements (disks and chisel plows), the more intensive the tillage (ie., less residue is on the soil surface).
* Increasing the angle of disks causes residues to be buried more deeply. Increasing their concavity makes them more aggressive.
* Chisel plows can have spikes or sweeps. Spikes are more aggressive.
* The reason the percent residue is used to define tillage systems is that the amount of crop residue impacts the amount of soil loss due to erosion. This graph demonstrates the amount of soil that might be expected to be lost with different amounts of crop residue.
* Look at this reference to see how to measure crop residues.
* In the same reference as above you can see what different amounts of corn and soybean residue look like.

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THE PAST

This solution exist today in most organizations because of race understanding of the potentials uses of performance appraisal system by every one and improper designing of performance appraisals. The appraisals systems in most organizations are designed today to meet the following objectives:

NEW OBJECTIVES (PRESENT)

Performance appraisals systems can serve the following purpose if designed properly.

1) They can help each to understand more and more about his rote and become clear about his functions.

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